Online Lecture 3: May 2007
The Twilight of Liberalism: The Nixon Years In the early 1960s, it seemed that the political career of Richard Milhous Nixon had come to an end. Having served Dwight D. Eisenhower for eight years as vice president, Nixon lost both the presidential race in 1960, and the California gubernatorial race in 1962. After his 1962 loss, Nixon, who was always distrustful of the media, held a press conference where he declared to the press: "You won't have Dick Nixon to kick around anymore." For the next few years, Nixon enjoyed a successful career as a corporate lawyer while he rebuilt his political base. In 1968, he won the Republican nomination for president and then defeated Hubert Humphrey, his Democratic opponent, to win the White House. This lecture examines Nixon's political comeback after 1968 as well as the transformation of both the Republican and Democratic parties. Some questions to keep in mind:
The 1968 Presidential Campaign
The Many Faces of Nixon:
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In 1969, Kevin Phillips, a young campaign aide to Nixon, published The Emerging Republican Majority, a book that became the blueprint for Nixon's attempt to remake the Republican Party and American politics. Phillips argued that many Americans, particularly in the South, had become increasingly restless about the civil rights movement and the near-constant protests that rippled through American society in the 1960s. Soon after Nixon entered office, the president set his sights on winning the support of this "New Majority" in the 1972 election. Nixon focused on attracting three groups of voters away from the Democratic Party:
In order to build this coalition, Nixon and his closest aides developed three strategies:
In pursuing these three strategies, Nixon played three different roles. On the one hand, Nixon tried to be a Liberal in his economic policies. First, he tackled the problem of unemployment by utilizing planned budget deficits when he proposed a "full employment budget" in 1971. Second, he accepted federal government economic controls to slow inflation, which had reached 5% by 1971. In August 1971, he instituted a 90-day wage and price freeze and, in November of that year, he set up the Price Commission and Cost of Living Council. Third, although he had campaigned against welfare, Nixon offered the 1969 Family Assistance Plan, a program that would have provided an income floor of $2,400 in money, food stamps, and subsidies to every American family. This third plan proved to be too much for conservatives in Congress and too little for their liberal colleagues. The bill died in the Senate.
Nixon as Patriotic Moderate appealed to Catholics and urban voters. This side of Nixon supported:
Nixon also came off as the Racist Right-winger, who took the following positions:
Nixon managed to leave a lasting impact on the United States Supreme Court. The Senate, however, rejected his first two Supreme Court nominees, southerners Clement Haynesworth and G. Harold Carswell. He finally succeeded in appointing his third nominee, Harry Blackmun, who turned out to be more liberal than the President had anticipated, as well as Lewis Powell, Warren E. Burger, who served as Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court from 1969 until 1986, and William Rehnquist, who is Chief Justice today.
Having formed a new coalition, Nixon looked forward to the 1972 presidential campaign certain that he would win easily. Changes within the governing structure of the Democratic Party helped Nixon's electoral chances. After the debacle of the 1968 Democratic Convention, the party underwent internal reforms that had important repercussions in the 1972 campaign. The traditional power brokers of the Democratic Party, such as big labor, lost representation in the 1972 convention, while women, minorities, and leaders of the peace movement gained greater influence in the party. This transformation angered many of the traditional supporters of the Democrats, including George Meany, the powerful leader of the AFL-CIO.
In 1972, the Democratic Party nominated for president Senator
George McGovern of South Dakota. He was one of the first liberal Democrats to oppose
American involvement in Vietnam and he supported the peace activists. To his opponents,
McGovern represented the counter-culture. They believed that he was a member of the far left
who espoused ideas far out of the political mainstream.
Republicans managed to pin three labels on McGovern:
It made no difference that McGovern himself identified only with the first of these "3 A's"--Amnesty. He said "I loathe the war in Southeast Asia," and he advocated political amnesty for those who had burned their draft cards or fled to Canada to avoid conscription. However, McGovern never called for the legalization of abortion, nor did he encourage illegal drug use. |
But, McGovern seemed to personify everything that the "New Majority" despised. In 1972, Nixon finally got the landslide he desired. After the votes were tallied, he received 61% of the popular vote and 520 votes in the electoral college to McGovern's 17. The American electorate had apparently granted Nixon the popular mandate that he craved and that he had worked so hard to cultivate.
Of course, there had been one other tiny little issue in the presidential campaign, an issue that would come back to haunt Nixon in the years after the 1972 election. The story of that little break-in at the Watergate Hotel in Washington, as well as the story of Nixon's foreign policy achievements, are incredibly fascinating and extraordinarily important parts of our story. So important, in fact, that we'll turn to them in Online Lecture 4: Days of Watergate.
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Related Web Links |
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The Richard Nixon Audio Archive | |
The Rise and Fall of an American Populist: George Wallace | |
"Kicking Tricky Dicky Around One Last Time," by Tim Patterson |